Mais pourquoi n’appelle-t-on pas ce mur, qui sépare les Gazaouites de leurs frères égyptiens « mur de la honte » ou « de l’apartheid »? Liliane Messika (Primo-Europe)
After all, this barrier, although built by Mr. Sharon, was birthed by « shaheeds, » suicide bombers whom Palestinian leaders have glorified as martyrs. Qassam missiles can kill two or three people at a time. Suicide bombers lay waste to many more. Since the barrier went up, suicide attacks have plunged, which means innocent Arab lives have been spared along with Jewish ones. Does a concrete effort to save civilian lives justify the hardship posed by this structure? The humanitarian in me bristles, but ultimately answers yes. (…) I reflected on this question as I observed an Israeli Army jeep patrol the gap in Abu Dis. The vehicle was crammed with soldiers who, in turn, observed me filming the anti-Israel graffiti scrawled by Western activists — « Scotland hates the blood-sucking Zionists! » I turned my video camera on the soldiers. Nobody ordered me to shut it off or show the tape. My Arab taxi driver stood by, unprotected by a diplomatic license plate or press banner. Like all Muslims, I look forward to the day when neither the jeep nor the wall is in Abu Dis. So will we tell the self-appointed martyrs of Islam that the people — not just Arabs, but Arabs and Jews — « are one »? That before the barrier, there was the bomber? And that the barrier can be dismantled, but the bomber’s victims are gone forever? Irshad Manji
The leaders of Yemen and Saudi Arabia are due to meet today in an effort to settle a dispute over a security barrier the Saudis are building along their shared frontier. Saudi Arabia, which is battling against insurgents sympathetic to Osama bin Laden, says the barrier will stem the flow of militants and weapons from its southern neighbour. Yemeni opposition newspapers have likened it to the barrier that Israel is constructing in the West Bank – though in fact it is a simpler and even odder structure: a pipeline three metres (10ft) high, supported on posts and filled with concrete. The Guardian
What is being constructed inside our borders with Yemen is a sort of screen … which aims to prevent infiltration and smuggling, It does not resemble a wall in any way. Talal Anqawi (head of Saudi Arabia’s border guard)
Le pape … ne dit bien-sûr pas que la barrière est effectivement une barrière de sécurité érigée parce que ses amis terroristes islamistes sont allés se faire sauter pour tuer des enfants et des adultes juifs ou pour les égorger, et, on n’en est plus à un mensonge près, les communiqués parlent de « barrière de séparation », comme si Israël voulait une barriėre juste pour se séparer des Arabes, alors qu’il y a vingt pour cent d’Arabes en Israël, ce que le pape ne dira pas. Guy Millière
Corée, Irlande du nord, Espagne, Chypre, Maroc, Inde/Bengladesh, Inde/Pakistan, Koweit, Etats-Unis/Mexique, Botswana/Zimbabwe, Arabie saoudite/Yemen, Egypte/Gaza …
Alors que, fidèle à sa réputation, un nouveau pape François surprend à nouveau tout le monde…
En arrêtant sa soi-disant papamobile de sécurité pour toucher le soi-disant mur de sécurité séparant Israël et la Palestine …
Et, nouveau tour de passe passe, nous transforme le mur de sécurité israélien en mur des lamentations palestinien …
Retour, avec une tribune de 2006 de l’activiste pakistano-canadienne Irshad Manji …
Qui, fidèle à sa réputation d’enfant terrible de l’islam et à l’instar de l’enfant d’un fameux conte d’Andersen …
Rappelait déjà la criante évidence oubliée (rançon du succès ?) par toutes nos belles âmes, pape compris …
Avant le mur (et apparemment pas seulement pour Israël), n’y avait-il pas… le terroriste ?
How I Learned to Love the Wall
March 18, 2006
ON March 28, Israelis will elect a new prime minister to replace the ailing Ariel Sharon. But I’d bet my last shekel that I’ll continue to hear the phrase « Ariel Sharon’s apartheid wall. » It’s a phrase spoken — make that spewed — on almost every university campus I visit in North America and Europe.
Among a new generation of Muslims, this is what Mr. Sharon will be known for long after he leaves office: unilaterally erecting a barrier, most of it a fence, some of it a wall, that cuts Arab villages in half, chokes the movement of ordinary Palestinians, cripples local economies and, ultimately, separates human beings.
The critics have a point — up to a point.
They’re right that Palestinians are virtually wailing at « the wall. » When I went to see its towering cement slabs in the West Bank town of Abu Dis last year, an Arab man approached me to unload his sadness. « It’s no good, » he said. « It’s hard. »
« Why do you think they built it? » I asked.
The man shook his head and repeated, « It’s hard. » After some silence, he added, « We are not two people. We are one. »
« How do you explain that to suicide bombers? » I wondered aloud.
The man smiled. « No understand, » he replied. « No English. Thank you. Goodbye. »
Was it something I said? Maybe my impolite mention of Palestinian martyrs? Then again, how could I not mention them?
After all, this barrier, although built by Mr. Sharon, was birthed by « shaheeds, » suicide bombers whom Palestinian leaders have glorified as martyrs. Qassam missiles can kill two or three people at a time. Suicide bombers lay waste to many more. Since the barrier went up, suicide attacks have plunged, which means innocent Arab lives have been spared along with Jewish ones. Does a concrete effort to save civilian lives justify the hardship posed by this structure? The humanitarian in me bristles, but ultimately answers yes.
That’s not to deny or even diminish Arab pain. I had to twist myself like an amateur gymnast when I helped a Palestinian woman carry her grocery bags through a gap in the wall (such gaps, closely watched by Israeli soldiers, do exist). It made me wonder how much more difficult the obstacle course must be for people twice my age, who must travel to one of the wider official checkpoints nearby.
I appreciate that Israel’s intent is not to keep Palestinians « in » so much as to keep suicide bombers « out. » But in the minds of many Palestinians, Ariel Sharon never adequately acknowledged the humiliation felt by a 60-year-old Arab whose family has harvested the Holy Land for generations when she has to show her identity card to an 18-year-old Ethiopian immigrant in an Israeli Army uniform who’s been in the country for eight months. In that context, fences and walls come off as cruelly gratuitous.
For all the closings, however, Israel is open enough to tolerate lawsuits by civil society groups who despise every mile of the barrier. Mr. Sharon himself agreed to reroute sections of it when the Israel High Court ruled in favor of the complainants. Where else in the Middle East can Arabs and Jews work together so visibly to contest, and change, state policies?
I reflected on this question as I observed an Israeli Army jeep patrol the gap in Abu Dis. The vehicle was crammed with soldiers who, in turn, observed me filming the anti-Israel graffiti scrawled by Western activists — « Scotland hates the blood-sucking Zionists! » I turned my video camera on the soldiers. Nobody ordered me to shut it off or show the tape. My Arab taxi driver stood by, unprotected by a diplomatic license plate or press banner.
Like all Muslims, I look forward to the day when neither the jeep nor the wall is in Abu Dis. So will we tell the self-appointed martyrs of Islam that the people — not just Arabs, but Arabs and Jews — « are one »? That before the barrier, there was the bomber? And that the barrier can be dismantled, but the bomber’s victims are gone forever?
Young Muslims, especially those privileged with a good education, cannot walk away from these questions as my interlocutor in Abu Dis did. If we follow in his footsteps, we are only conspiring against ourselves. After all, once the election is over, we won’t have Ariel Sharon to kick around anymore.
Irshad Manji, a fellow at Yale, is the author of « The Trouble With Islam Today: A Muslim’s Call for Reform in Her Faith. »
L’imposture du pape François
25 mai 2014
J’entendais attendre la fin de la visite du pape François au Proche Orient pour réagir. Je pense utile de le faire dès aujourd’hui, de Jérusalem où je me trouve.
Le pape a donc choisi de commencer son voyage en Jordanie, Etat arabe palestinien créé sur quatre vingt pour cent du territoire confié au Royaume Uni pour y permettre la renaissance d’un foyer national juif. Il a rencontré le roi, héritier d’une dynastie venue d’Arabie et transplantée là par les soins des Britanniques. Il n’a pas eu un mot pour les Arabes palestiniens vivant en Jordanie comme des citoyens de seconde zone. Il a célébré une messe dans un pays où les Chrétiens sont persécutés, comme dans tous les pays musulmans, et traités en citoyens de seconde zone. Il s’est conduit en bon dhimmi.
Le pape n’a ensuite pas franchi la frontière séparant la Jordanie d’Israël, et s’est rendu en hélicoptère à Bethlehem.
Le programme du Vatican dit, Bethlehem, Palestine, et précise qu’à Bethlehem le pape a rencontré le Président de l’Etat palestinien. Il s’agit de Mahmoud Abbas, qui n’est pas Président, puisque son mandat, non renouvelé, a expiré il y a cinq ans, donc dictateur conviendrait mieux. Et il s’agit de l’Autorité palestinienne, qui n’est pas un Etat.
Le pape traite donc un dictateur comme s’il était Président
Le pape traite donc un dictateur comme s’il était Président. Et il confère le statut d’Etat à une entité corrompue et criminelle qui sera bientôt régie par le Hamas, groupe terroriste, antisémite et négationniste. Il n’a pas un seul mot pour les Arabes chrétiens persécutés et chassés des terres occupées par l’Autorité palestinienne, et cautionne l’idée que Bethlehem est encore une ville chrétienne.
En appelant Jésus, juif né en terre juive, que les Chrétiens considèrent comme le Fils de Dieu, « prince de la paix », il utilise un vocabulaire qui retire à Jésus ses racines juives, et lui donne une dimension politique hors de propos.
En parlant devant un déploiement d’illustrations mêlant scènes de la vie de Jésus, et « oppression des Palestiniens », et en se plaçant devant une présentation de Jésus enveloppé d’un keffieh, il se fait propagandiste « anti-sioniste » et militant du négationnisme « palestinien » anti-juif.
En rendant visite à des « réfugiés » qui ne sont pas des réfugiés, mais les otages du monde arabe depuis quatre générations, il cautionne le fait que ces gens ont été maintenus dans des camps depuis quatre générations par décision du monde arabe.
Il cautionne le lavage de cerveau qui transforme ces gens en outils de la haine anti-juive.
En s’arrêtant ensuite devant la barrière de sécurité à l’endroit où il y a des graffitis disant Free Palestine, il devient militant de la « cause palestinienne » que le Hamas incarne désormais. Il ne dit bien-sûr pas que la barrière est effectivement une barrière de sécurité érigée parce que ses amis terroristes islamistes sont allés se faire sauter pour tuer des enfants et des adultes juifs ou pour les égorger, et, on n’en est plus à un mensonge près, les communiqués parlent de « barrière de séparation », comme si Israël voulait une barriėre juste pour se séparer des Arabes, alors qu’il y a vingt pour cent d’Arabes en Israël, ce que le pape ne dira pas.
Le pape se rend ensuite, en hélicoptère à nouveau, à l’aéroport de Tel Aviv. Il évite à nouveau de franchir la frontière vers Jérusalem, geste montrant qu’il ne reconnait pas Jérusalem comme ville israélienne, et, a fortiori, comme capitale d’Israël.
Le programme prévoit qu’il se rendra à Jérusalem par la route. Il y rencontrera des représentants de la religion orthodoxe, le mufti de Jérusalem sur « l’esplanade des mosquées » (parleront ils du mufti Amin Al Husseini?), des rabbins. Il se rendra, entre autres, à Yad Vashem.
Certains parleront de voyage équilibré. Je ne vois rien d’équilibré dans tout cela, strictement rien.
Certains diront que le pape oeuvre pour la paix. On n’oeuvre pas pour la paix en cautionnant la propagande anti-juive et les idées exterminationnistes des dirigeants « palestiniens ». On oeuvre pour la transformation d’Arabes en assassins, pour un gang de crapules sanguinaires appelé Autorité palestinienne, pour l’assassinat de Juifs, contre la démocratie et la liberté qu’Israël incarne.
L’Eglise a derrière elle deux mille ans, ou presque, d’antisémitisme. Elle a retiré des catéchismes il y a quelques décennies seulement la mention de « peuple déïcide ». Il lui faudra encore faire des efforts pour cesser d’être antisémite.
L’Eglise a mis plus de quarante ans pour reconnaître l’existence d’Israël. Elle a toujours du mal à reconnaitre l’existence d’Israël. Elle trahit ce faisant l’éthique qu’elle prétend incarner.
La presse internationale cautionne tout cela, et après, on voudrait s’étonner qu’il y ait des Mohamed Merah, et des assassins tels ceux qui viennent de frapper Bruxelles!
Saudi security barrier stirs anger in Yemen
17 February 2004
The leaders of Yemen and Saudi Arabia are due to meet today in an effort to settle a dispute over a security barrier the Saudis are building along their shared frontier.
Saudi Arabia, which is battling against insurgents sympathetic to Osama bin Laden, says the barrier will stem the flow of militants and weapons from its southern neighbour.
Yemeni opposition newspapers have likened it to the barrier that Israel is constructing in the West Bank – though in fact it is a simpler and even odder structure: a pipeline three metres (10ft) high, supported on posts and filled with concrete.
Yemen, which is said to have three times as many guns as people, has several flourishing markets where rocket-propelled grenades and other items are sold openly.
In remote areas, most men carry weapons for their own protection and some tribes have well-armed militias capable of putting up a serious fight against the Yemeni army.
Saudi border patrols say they intercept weapons smuggled into the kingdom from Yemen almost every day. These include 90,000 rounds of ammunition and 2,000 sticks of dynamite seized since the bombings in Riyadh last May.
The 1,500-mile frontier, which runs through mountains in the west and the barren Empty Quarter in the east, has always been relatively easy to cross unnoticed for those with local knowledge.
It was not until 2000, after more than 65 years of sporadic conflict, that Yemen and Saudi Arabia finally agreed on where the border lay and began marking it with concrete posts.
Smuggling, not just of weapons, has long been a valuable source of income for Yemen’s border tribes. Among the most important unofficial exports, thought to earn more than £100m a year from Saudi Arabia, is qat – whose leaves are chewed by millions of Yemenis for their amphetamine-like effect, and which is illegal in the kingdom.
Amid Saudi efforts to tighten border controls in order to prevent terrorism, the smugglers have also become more resourceful. According to a senior Yemeni official, they have begun using « smart » donkeys which can not only find their way across unaccompanied but can also recognise the uniform of Saudi border guards and avoid them.
So far, the Yemeni government has downplayed the smuggling aspects. When President Ali Abdullah Salih meets Crown Prince Abdullah in the Saudi capital today, he is likely to seek assurances that the barrier will not breach the terms of the border treaty signed almost four years ago.
The treaty provided grazing rights for shepherds in a 13-mile strip on both sides of the frontier and stipulated that no armed forces could be stationed in the zone.
According to a Yemeni newspaper, the first 25-mile stretch of the barrier, erected in the last month, is less than 100 metres from the border line.
The head of Saudi Arabia’s border guard, Talal Anqawi, told an Arab newspaper last week that the barrier was being constructed inside Saudi territory but did not specify the exact location. He also dismissed comparisons with Israel’s West Bank barrier, which has sparked international condemnation.
« What is being constructed inside our borders with Yemen is a sort of screen … which aims to prevent infiltration and smuggling, » he said. « It does not resemble a wall in any way. »
The Atlantic monthly
Mar 1 2005
This spring Israel is scheduled to withdraw from the Gaza Strip, but it plans to continue building a controversial 400-mile anti-terrorist barrier between itself and the West Bank. Though the International Court of Justice has ruled that the fence violates international law, it remains highly popular among Israelis—attacks have declined by as much as 90 percent in certain areas since construction began, two years ago. Similar security barriers have been constructed throughout history, from the Great Wall of China to the lesser-known wall between Israel and Gaza that was built in 1994. Today the West Bank barrier is just one of many partitions around the world aimed at repelling invaders—whether terrorists, guerrillas, or immigrants. Here are the sites of other notable security barriers, in chronological order of inception.
1. North Korea/South Korea: Called « the scariest place on earth » by President Bill Clinton, this 151-mile-long demilitarized zone has separated the two Koreas since 1953 and is the most heavily fortified border in the world.
2. Belfast, Northern Ireland: Nicknamed the « Peace Line, » this series of brick, iron, and steel barriers was first erected in the 1970s to curb escalating violence between Catholic and Protestant neighborhoods. The barriers have more than doubled in number over the past decade, and currently stretch over thirteen miles of Northern Ireland.
3. Cyprus: A 112-mile-long construction of concrete, barbed wire, watchtowers, minefields, and ditches has separated the island’s Turks from its Greeks since 1974. The Turkish Cypriot government reduced restrictions on cross-border travel in April of 2003.
4. Morocco/Western Sahara: Known as « The Wall of Shame, » these ten-foot-high sand and stone barriers, some mined, run for at least 1,500 miles through the Western Sahara. Built in the 1980s, they are intended to keep West Saharan guerrilla fighters out of Morocco.
5. India/Bangladesh: Aiming to curb infiltration from its neighbor, India in 1986 sanctioned what will ultimately be a 2,043-mile barbed-wire barrier. It’s expected to cost $1 billion by the time it is completed, next year.
6. India/Pakistan: In 1989 India began erecting a fence to stem the flow of arms from Pakistan. So far it has installed more than 700 miles of fencing, much of which is electrified and stands in the disputed Kashmir region. The anti-terrorist barriers will eventually run the entire 1,800-mile border with Pakistan.
7. Kuwait/Iraq: The 120-mile demilitarized zone along this border has been manned by UN soldiers and observers since the Gulf War ended, in 1991. Made of electric fencing and wire, and supplemented by fifteen-foot-wide trenches, the barrier extends from Saudi Arabia to the Persian Gulf. Last year Kuwait decided to install an additional 135-mile iron partition.
8. United States/Mexico: In the mid-1990s President Clinton initiated two programs, Operation Gatekeeper and Operation Hold the Line, to crack down on illegal immigration from Mexico. They produced a system of high-tech barriers, including a fourteen-mile fence separating San Diego from Tijuana. All told, security barriers stretch along at least seventy miles of the border.
9. Botswana/Zimbabwe: The government of Botswana claims to have started building a ten-foot-high electric fence along its border with Zimbabwe to control the spread of foot-and-mouth disease. However, most Zimbabweans believe that the fence—begun in 2003 and intended to stretch up to 300 miles—really aims to stanch the immigration flow from troubled Zimbabwe into calmer Botswana.
10. Saudi Arabia/Yemen: In 2003 Saudi Arabia began building a ten-foot-high barrier along its border with Yemen to prevent terrorist infiltration (you read that correctly). Heeding Yemeni protests that the fence violated a border treaty, the Saudi government vowed last year to complete the project in cooperation with Yemen.
June 14, 2007
JERUSALEM — JERUSALEM—Israel’s summer war with Hezbollah in the north and small rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip in the south have overshadowed a striking reality: Fewer Israeli civilians died in Palestinian attacks in 2006 than in any year since the Palestinian uprising began in 2000.
Palestinian militants killed 23 Israelis and foreign visitors in 2006, down from a high of 289 in 2002 during the height of the uprising.
Most significant, successful suicide bombings in Israel nearly came to a halt. Last year, only two Palestinian suicide bombers managed to sneak into Israel for attacks that killed 11 people and wounded 30 others. Israel has gone nearly nine months without a suicide bombing inside its borders, the longest period without such an attack since 2000.
The figures highlight Israel’s success in insulating most of its citizens from the unresolved conflict with the Palestinians, largely by containing battles to the predominantly Palestinian West Bank and Gaza Strip.
The drop in Israeli casualties was accompanied by a dramatic rise in Palestinian deaths, which more than tripled, to 660 from 197 in 2005—28 Palestinian deaths for every Israeli killed. Most of those deaths came in the second half of the year, during an unsuccessful Israeli military campaign in Gaza sparked by the capture of an Israeli soldier last June.
An Israeli military spokeswoman said one major factor in that success had been Israel’s controversial separation barrier, a still-growing 250-mile network of concrete walls, high-tech fencing and other obstacles that cuts through parts of the West Bank.
« The security fence was put up to stop terror, and that’s what it’s doing, » said Capt. Noa Meir, a spokeswoman for the Israel Defense Forces.
Israel began building the barrier in 2002 when Palestinian suicide bombings were at their peak. It’s pressed ahead with construction despite an international court opinion criticizing the route as cutting across wide swaths of Palestinian land. About 10 percent of the land that Palestinians want for a state now lies on the Israeli side of the wall, and several large Palestinian settlements have been divided by 25-foot-tall concrete slabs.
Opponents of the wall grudgingly acknowledge that it’s been effective in stopping bombers, though they complain that its route should have followed the border between Israel and the Palestinian territories known as the Green Line.
« Although undoubtedly it has had an effect in blocking suicide bombers, the point is that it still would have had that impact if it had been built legally under international law on the Green Line or inside Israel, » said Ray Dolphin, the author of « The West Bank Wall: Unmaking Palestine. »
Jeff Halper, an Israeli activist and longtime critic of the barrier, said it was doing more harm than good.
« I suppose that the wall has a certain effect, but the damage is disproportionate to the advantages, » said Halper, the coordinator of The Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions. « The only way Israel is going to have peace is by giving up territories, not annexing them. »
Halper and Dolphin also said Israel’s security had been aided by a decision last year by the leading Palestinian groups to declare a cease-fire that largely was still holding.
IDF spokeswoman Meir said Israeli military operations that disrupted militants planning attacks from the West Bank also deserved credit for the drop in Israeli fatalities.
She cautioned that the decline might be misleading. While successful suicide bombings are at a low, the number of attempts is rising, she said. The Israeli army arrested 187 potential suicide bombers last year, up from 96 in 2005, according to Israeli military statistics.
« The motivation is there, but thanks to our activity we have managed to thwart it and spare many, many Israeli lives, » Meir said.
As the Israeli-Palestinian conflict dragged on last year, Israelis faced a more immediate threat from the north when Hezbollah militants from Lebanon captured two Israeli soldiers in a mid-July cross-border attack that sparked a 34-day war.
During that time, Hezbollah fired hundreds of rockets into Israel, killing 43 civilians. In response, Israel staged a widespread air and ground operation that claimed more than 1,100 Lebanese lives. Before a cease-fire took hold in mid-August, 119 Israeli soldiers also were killed.