Société: Les paradoxes du tourisme (Keeping up with the Joneses: from the Grand Tour to tourism)

The Grand tourThe ugly American abroadSouviens-toi de ton ami Montaigne (…) Ne voyage pas en épicier ni en commis voyageur. Docteur Flaubert (Lettre à son fils, août 1840)
Savoir voyager n’est pas plus l’affaire de tout le monde que savoir aimer, savoir comprendre et savoir sentir. Tout le monde n’est pas plus en état de pénétrer dans le sens réel de ce que les changements de lieux apportent de spectacles nouveaux que tout le monde n’est apte à saisir la signification d’une sonate de Beethoven, d’un tableau de Vinci ou de Veronese, de la Vénus d’Arles ou de la Passion de Bianca Capello. (…) Gloire infinie à cette toute-puissante et bonne sagesse, qui a bien donné assurément aux sots et aux méchants l’empire du monde, mais qui n’a pas voulu que ces méchants et ces sots pussent en apercevoir les perfections, en mesurer les douceurs et en posséder les mérites! (…) Gloire, encore une fois, au Dieu bon et bienveillant, qui a réservé quelque chose exclusivement pour les élus! Gobineau (« La Vie de voyage, Nouvelles asiatiques, 1876)
L’Espagne n’est pas très fréquentée. Cook n’y envoie pas encore ses troupeaux; c’est donc l’endroit où il faut aller. G. Roy (En vacances, 1913)
Feifer (1985) has shown how the European pilgrimage in the middle ages contained recognisable components which match the modern tourism industry. Pilgrims had “guidebooks, accommodation bureaux, travel agencies, a range of inexpensive souvenirs and nearly all the accoutrements of present-day tourism” (Feifer, 1985 p 31). Hindley (1983) details the need for the equivalent of a passport – testimoniales – and correct dress, appearance and equipment, including some cooking and eating utensils, and the best guide books. One of these, Poloner’s Description of the Holy Land, gave advice to those about to travel there, and the 12th century Liber Sancti Jacobi the same for pigrims to Santiago de Compostela in Spain. Specialist ship-owners held licences to take pilgrims from English ports from the late 14th century (Feifer, 1985). A network of hospices and inns provided overnight accommodation. According to Feifer all the elements could be purchased as a package in Venice for a journey to the Holy Land.
The Grand Tour as practised from Britain started in the reign of Queen Elizabeth I as a way of training noblemen for court duties (Hibbert, 1969). The idea spread as general education for the nobility, and then became a mark of status for the wealthy. Young men were sent with tutors to guide, control and educate them by formal talks and reference to text books which publishers had prepared for the new market. Languages must be learnt ahead of the tour. Notebooks and writing materials were necessary for recording details of sightseeing and meetings. Learning Italian from the natives might be compulsory once in the country (Trease, 1967). Of course serious knowledge became social chit-chat on the return home, and used merely to obtain social status. Foreign words, cuisine, fashion, even servants, were brought back besides broader philosophical, political, and scientific ideas. John Locke decided the Tour was not about “building up men” but merely with “tricking out a fine set of gentlemen” (Hibbert, 1969 p234). Towner (1981) has shown how the educational ideals of the early days were dissipated in a scramble for entertainment during the 18th century. This is a little misleading: in the broader sense of education adopted in the present paper, even gaming, dancing, carousing and visits to brothels produced a new set of experiences, the more so being partaken within a different country. Vicarious education in ways decided by the young traveller, was replacing the didacticism of a paid tutor. In the 18th century the tourist took a similar line to those of today, when the pleasure and interest of travel depends on the customer being in control of what is done and experienced. If the Grand Tour was a kind of university course, by the 1700s it was much more like the university course as it is today.
In the course of the Grand Tour, teachers, leaders of society, church officials, writers and artists spoke about life in foreign places to impressionable young men. They did so through lectures, guide books, conversations, architecture, and books, plus the artefacts and paintings that were bought as souvenirs. The purposes were varied but the overall effect was undoubtedly to widen the horizons of those who went. Some predjudices might have been formed by ignorance and xenophobia, but at the very least the youngsters’ views were no longer limited to their own country. Alan Machin

Pour ceux qui ne seraient pas encore partis en vacances et au moment où l’inventeur du guide touristique « sac à dos », le fameux « LP » (nom tiré d’une parole mal comprise d’une chanson de Joe Cocker – « Lonely Planet » pour « Lovely planet »), fête ses 35 ans …

Petit retour sur cette activité désormais centrale de l’économie mondiale et pourtant encore si paradoxale.

Invention de la bourgeoisie anglaise du XIXe siècle (qui, dans un pays alors dominant l’économie mondiale, reprit à l’aristocratie déclinante la tradition du « Grand Tour », version elle-même sécularisée et « sociale » de l’antique pèlerinage), puis démocratisée avec l’arrivée des premiers chemins de fer par le pasteur baptiste Thomas Cook (à l’origine pour transporter… un groupe de militants de la tempérance chrétienne!) elle semble aujourd’hui concentrer un rare mélange de fascination et de répulsion mais aussi une non moins rare hostilité entre deux tribus apparemment irréconciliables.

Pris dans une course-poursuite sans fin avec les vulgaires et honnis « touristes » du tourisme de masse, les « voyageurs » (armés de leur « LP » ou de sa version française, le « Guide du routard ») se voient, en effet paradoxalement et bien malgré eux, jouer, pour les successeurs de Thomas Cook, les défricheurs de toujours nouveaux mais nécessairement aussi toujours moins nombreux territoires.

D’où l’ambivalence de leur/notre discours …

Les paradoxes du tourisme (Dis-moi où tu pars en vacances, je te dirais qui tu es)
JC Durbant

Aller simple

1999

Travel broadens the mind.
Les voyages forment la jeunesse.

Je hais les voyages. (…) Adieu voyages, adieu sauvages … Lévi-Strauss

Comment imaginer deux jugements plus opposés sur l’une des activités contemporaines les plus populaires : le tourisme ? Quelle est cette pratique paradoxale qui peut être tout à la fois – et souvent dans la bouche de la même personne ! – objet de la plus vive approbation (les fameuses vertus formatrices que célèbrent les proverbes) et de la plus violente dénonciation (et cela pas seulement de la part des ethnologues) ?

Le plus surprenant, c’est que le paradoxe ne date pas d’hier et semble au contraire avoir existé dès les origines – pourtant tout à fait nobles – de ladite pratique dans l’Angleterre du XIXe siècle. Le mot lui-même de « tourist » paraît d’ailleurs avoir eu dès le départ une connotation péjorative, brocardant cette nouvelle classe d’aristocrates et de grands bourgeois qui avaient repris la vieille institution du « Grand Tour », ces voyages d’apprentissage sur le Continent (de quelques mois ou… années!) que tout fils de la « gentry » digne de ce nom se devait de faire au moins une fois dans sa vie pour parachever son éducation.

En France, première étape obligée de ces « tours » (vers les ruines récemment redécouvertes de l’antique Rome), les grands dictionnaires de l’époque (Larousse, Littré) appliquent d’ailleurs le néologisme aux voyageurs anglais et dans les termes guère plus flatteurs de « voyageurs désoeuvrés que ne se mettent en route que pour le plaisir de voyager ou même pour dire qu’ils ont voyagé ».

Pourtant la nouvelle activité de loisir suscite manifestement l’engouement puisque, dans le même dictionnaire, une citation d’un certain Girardet y voit une « contagion inévitable du monde élégant » ? Et, pressé par les besoins d’argent, Stendhal lui-même reprendra le mot pour l’un de ses plus grands succès de l’époque, les fameux « Mémoires d’un touriste ».

La clé du paradoxe ne se trouvant pas dans l’histoire, c’est vers la sociologie qu’il nous faut maintenant nous tourner. C’est en effet le grand sociologue américain Thorstein Veblen qui, dès 1899 (dans sa fameuse « Théorie de la classe de loisir »), aura le premier l’intuition de la réponse. Assimilant la pratique touristique à une conduite typique de consommation ostentatoire, il montrera que c’est plutôt du côté de la compétition entre groupes sociaux qu’il faut en chercher la motivation.

Et comme le confirmeront nombre d’enquêtes ultérieures, c’est donc principalement la position sociale et notamment le niveau d’études qui déterminent les prises de position sur le tourisme. En un mot: plus les personnes interrogées ont un haut niveau d’études, plus elles ont tendance à dénoncer le tourisme. On comprend ainsi alors la forte prédominance desdites dénonciations dans les citations que présentent les dictionnaires, ceux-ci choisissant généralement leurs exemples parmi les écrits des « bons auteurs », autrement dit l’élite culturelle.

Mais cela ne dit toujours pas pourquoi les individus les plus instruits auraient plus tendance à critiquer le tourisme, alors qu’ils sont en sont aussi, statistiquement parlant, les premiers pratiquants. La réponse, c’est que ce n’est pas tellement la pratique du tourisme en tant que telle que visent ces critiques que ce qu’ils appellent le « tourisme de masse », réservant à leur propre pratique le terme plus noble de « voyage ».

En fait, (et les fréquentes allusions nostalgiques au passé le confirment), la véritable clé de toutes ces dénonciations n’est autre que la démocratisation du tourisme. Celles-ci ne seraient alors que l’expression (nécessairement voilée et indirecte: on n’est plus au XIXe siècle !) d’un certain ressentiment des classes favorisées devant la perte de certains de leurs privilèges, et en particulier de leur longue exclusivité de certains lieux de vacances.

Contraints en effet de modifier leurs destinations ou périodes de vacances pour maintenir l’écart – autrement dit leur distinction – avec les foules des nouveaux accédants au tourisme (nationaux ou étrangers), ces groupes privilégiés ne pourraient alors que constater amèrement, avec ce technicien français interrogé en 1967 par un sociologue: « La Grèce, c’est fini: tout le monde y va! ».

Voir aussi:

Democratic travel

Jean-Claude Durbant

The Korea Herald

August 8, 1993

So it’s that time of year again : vacation time, traveling time.

And as we prepare to hit the road for that long-awaited trip to the beaches, armed with the inevitable « note of caution and counsel »that the Korea Herald has duly provided for us (Aug. 1 editorial), we can’t help but be reminded of one of the great mysteries of our time.

Why is it that one of today’s most popular activities, namely traveling (for pleasure) or sightseeing, seems paradoxically to attract such polarized views ? At one end of the spectrum, it can’t seem to be vaunted enough for its educational values. As the proverb has it, « travel broadens the mind » or, in French, « les voyages forment la jeunesse ». At the other end – but sometimes even in the same breath ! – it may be decried with the utmost violence as in that famous quote by world-famous anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss : « I hate traveling ».

The most surprising thing, though, is that the paradox is hardly new. In fact, it seems to have been around from the very origins – aristocratic as they may have been ! – of that most peculiar of activities in 19th century England.

The word « tourist » itself seems to have had a pejorative meaning from the very start, deriding that new class of people who had taken up again the old institution of « the Grand Tour » that every self-respecting son of the English gentry from the 17th century on had to undertake (at least once in his life) as the last finishing touch to his education. The dictionaries of the time – particularly in France which was the necessary first stop on such a tour – are thus filled with critical comments about these « idle English who start out traveling only for the pleasure of traveling or of being able to say that they have travelled ».

Yet this strange new habit of the eccentric English (who also happened to be the leading power in the world at the time) was fast catching on ; as the same dictionary put it :  « tourism fever had become the inevitable contagion of the elegant world ». And no less than Stendhal himself had to jump on the bandwagon when he published his greatest best-seller of the time with the hippest of titles : « Memoirs of a tourist ».

History is then no help to us and we must therefore turn to sociology in particular to Thorstein Veblen’s famous « Theory of the leisure class », which, as early as 1899, first pointed out the motive behind much of the « conspicuous consumption » of that class, namely the social competition between individuals or groups (or what would later be called « keeping up with the Joneses »).

In the light of such a competition between individuals or groups, much of what is being said about tourism becomes clearer. In fact, as many more recent studies have since confirmed, it turns out that it’s mainly the social status, particularly the educational level, which determine to a large extent people’s views on tourism. More precisely, the more privileged and educated people are, the more critical they tend to be.

But we’re not out of the woods yet as it’s still not clear why privilege and education would make people more critical of an activity for which they are after all (and as statistics show) the most ardent devotees. The answer is that it’s not so much tourism in itself that these critics are aiming at as what they prefer to call « mass tourism », reserving the more prestigious term of « traveling » for their own practice. In fact, as attested by the frequent nostalgic references to the past which usually accompany these condemnations, their real target is nothing else but the « democratization » of tourism.

Such denunciations may then be more accurately viewed as no more than an expression (though in a necessarily veiled and indirect way – democracy oblige!) of a form of resentment on the part of the privileged as they progressively lose some of their privileges and especially the de facto quasi-monopoly they may have had on the use of certain holiday destinations.

Forced by the growing pressure of newcomers to modify their vacation dates or destinations – if they are to maintain their « distance » form the crowds – these privileged groups are then left with nothing but the wistful, oft-repeated sigh : « Greece – or whatever destination – is dead, everybody’s going there ! »

The writer is a resident of Pusan. – Ed

 Voir également:

Retracing the Steps: Tourism as Education
ATLAS Conference, Savonlinna, Finland
June 2000

1 Introduction

An examination of tourism history for a conference on culture ought to bring fresh insights. This paper will discuss a perspective on tourism which is conspicuous by its absence from most current debate. It will propose the view that tourism should be considered more than it is now as an educative activity. This is not just in the narrower sense of formal schooling, but in the broader sense of discovering the world. For example, tourists might occasionally be taking part in formal educational visits. However, all tourists are always involved in receiving experiences which add to their store of knowledge. They make discoveries about places, people and events, in an informal, heuristic mode of learning.

Few people in the businesss think of tourism as much else than a way of making money out of travelling for leisure. Yet tourism is a powerful, cultural tool. It can do what neither the mass media nor classroom teaching can do: give people the chance to discover the world for themselves. Like all tools, it can produce either well-crafted or misshapen results. Abundant evidence can be quoted to show the benefits and the damage which tourism can produce. The point is that tourism has an effect, and in cultural terms this is to modify the store of knowledge of both visitor and visited by the addition of new experiences. These discoveries are forms of experiential education.

This paper sets out first to re-examine tourism’s historical role. It will look at tourism in the United Kingdom, and some of its history and culture. Worldwide, the dominant paradigm sees tourism as a product of the growth in income and leisure for an increasing spectrum of industrial society. This paper will advance a different view. It can be stated that tourism represents the outcome of the desire to extend known territories, to explore them and relate them to existing knowledge. Theories from general communication studies will be used to analyse touristic processes and to suggest a new concept. In doing so the paper will attempt to change the paradigm towards one in which tourism is seen as enabling people to explore the dynamic information environment which surrounds them.

2 Background

Existing historical studies of tourism have adopted various viewpoints, timespans and geographies. Pimlott (1947) and Feifer (1985) surveyed western European tourism over most of the period from the Roman Empire to the present. Withey (1998) took aspects of Europe and North America from 1750 to 1914. Other writers have taken narrower remits, for example Hibbert (1969) the Grand Tour, Delgado (1977) Victorian excursions in Britain, Brendon (1991) Thomas Cook and package holidays. Studies of particular areas have included those such as Stafford and Yates (1985) and Blume (1992). Jordan and Jordan (1991) examined the history of one form of transport and tourism. Vaughan (1974) and Buzard (1993) have studied the connections between tourism and the printed media. A relatively early study of the Grand Tour (Bates, 1911) and a more recent one by Brodsky-Porges (1981) have taken education as their basis, as has the rather brief account by Kalinowski and Weiler (1992). There are many histories of various kinds of tourism at attractions: examples include Tinniswood (1989) on historic houses, Hudson (1987) on museums, Allwood (1977) about international exhibitions, Thacker (1994) on gardens, and Marling (1997) on Disney’s theme parks. All of these works refer to education or have a significance for it in some way, but none of them takes a view across the whole sweep in order to identify some general principles. Tourism primarily brings money, not enlightenment.

The present author has previously made a brief survey attempting to draw together ideas on the growth of tourism, the media, education and attractions (Machin, 1997). That, in turn, built on an earlier paper (Machin, 1989a) suggesting a model, which would relate the means of discovering the world to the subsequent processes of debate and the pursuit of change. There is not the space here to detail the whole argument, but as described in the latter of the two papers, the model takes a cyclical form consisting of discovery, interpretation, decision-making and action (Figure 1). This cycle was termed holodynamic, reflecting the integration of the full range of processes which contribute towards the production of change in human groups.

Holodyne diagram

Figure 1: The Holodyne

Within the discovery phase are the channels of one-to-one contact, travel (including tourism), the mass media and formal education. Then, having discovered new information via these channels, an individual interprets it in the light of previous knowledge, enters into decision-making either alone or with others, and next takes actions based on the outcome. This in turn leads to further discoveries. Travel and tourism introduce the individual to new encounters which supply new knowledge. The same individual is exposed to other information through contacts with the home environment and people within it, as well as whatever range of mass media and formal eduction they may be engaged in. It is noteworthy that a relatively short portion of the average human life-span has formal education within it, heightening the importance of the other channels, including travel.

In other papers, the present author has made further suggestions about the relationships between tourist cities (Machin, 1989b), attractions (Machin, 2000) and general communications; and about the nature of dynamic information environments, or datascapes (forthcoming).

General communication theory is of great use in analysing touristic processes, and two particular approaches will be used in reviewing tourism history below. Lasswell’s formula (1948) asks “Who – Says What – In Which Channel – To Whom – With What Effect?” in analysing acts of communication. Braddock (1958) added two more questions: “Under What Circumstances – With What Purpose?”, which we might see as creating ‘Lasswell/Braddock Statements’.
McNelly (1959) produced a model which dissected the stages by which news reports were passed from journalist to press agency to regional and then national news editors before reaching the public in print. At each stage stories were written and modified according to journalistic ideas about their readers’ preferences, and their own aims and objectives. In essence, McNelly demonstrated that a number of people would modify a message in travelling from its source to its ultimate receiver. It is possible to adapt the McNelly Model to show how in tourism messages about places are also created and modified in passing from source to consumer. This occurs for example in travel reports, holiday brochures and visitor interpretation at attractions.

An example is given by Machin (2000). A curator specifies what he or she wants to say about an artefact in a new museum. The visitor manager, knowing well the public and the museum’s marketing strategy, advises variations in the message. The specialist historian modifies it again for accuracy and historical opinion. A scriptwriter chooses simpler words and sentence structures, and adds a greater sense of excitement. The designer lays out the text with weight and spacing which will affect the reading sequence and registering of ideas, and then adds illustrations which affect them even more. Finally, individual museum visitors read selectively and interpret the messages according to their own experience and interest, and the circumstances of the visit. Ambient conditions such as noise, temperature, humidity, the activities of other visitors, the time available and the mood of the visitor are only some of the factors affecting the communication process on-site.

Clearly an extremely wide range of factors can come into play in any given situation. The permutations caused by variations in ambient conditions, the mix of people and the actions and events which might occur are of a very high order. Historical analysis is well suited to handling infinitesimal possibilities like these. It recognises the interplay of people, places and events, relying on the anchor points of perspective, selection and evidence to argue cases.

It is possible to use historical analysis to see the results of the McNelly model in action in tourism. The table in figure 2 suggests some examples of the range of communications transactions inherent in different modes of tourism past and present, out of an infinity of possible combinations. A brief review of these will illustrate how relevant the Lasswell/ Braddock formula can be. The discussion will be mainly based on British examples.

Lasswell/Braddock statements table
3 Pilgrimage

Feifer (1985) has shown how the European pilgrimage in the middle ages contained recognisable components which match the modern tourism industry. Pilgrims had “guidebooks, accommodation bureaux, travel agencies, a range of inexpensive souvenirs and nearly all the accoutrements of present-day tourism” (Feifer, 1985 p 31). Hindley (1983) details the need for the equivalent of a passport – testimoniales – and correct dress, appearance and equipment, including some cooking and eating utensils, and the best guide books. One of these, Poloner’s Description of the Holy Land, gave advice to those about to travel there, and the 12th century Liber Sancti Jacobi the same for pigrims to Santiago de Compostela in Spain. Specialist ship-owners held licences to take pilgrims from English ports from the late 14th century (Feifer, 1985). A network of hospices and inns provided overnight accommodation. According to Feifer all the elements could be purchased as a package in Venice for a journey to the Holy Land.

Many examples can therefore be identified to fit the Lasswell/Braddock formula, two being given in Figure 2. Those who could read might use guide books, those who could not might rely on their literate companions. The Liber Sancti Jacobi was a muli-volume production which set out routes, religious interpretations and discussions of conditions and cultures along the way to Santiago. Its authors spread ideas and reinforced attitudes by comments such as this about the Basques: “debauched, perverse, trecherous and disloyal, corrupt and sensuous drunkards” (quoted in Feifer, 1985 p37). Pilgrims glad of its guidance during the dangerous journey would be very susceptible to accepting its contents at face value.

The most effective messages would have been those in the shrines being visited. At the Church of the Holy Sepulchre the pilgrims joined a guided tour which might take three hours and be accompanied by lectures and liturgical performances (Feifer, 1985). After an hour’s rest there were masses and communion. Other sights and sounds included the activities of other religious sects and lay people. Pilgrims brought their own particular interpretations to what they experienced in Jerusalem, in Bethlehem and the Jordan Valley. Some made the trip once, others several times, but all must have returned home full of travellers’ tales both accurate and inaccurate.

Most shrines became incorporated into substantial buildings: St James of Compostela, St Peter’s and the Lateran Basilica in Rome, the Church of the Sepulchre, Jerusalem and numerous other churches, abbeys and monasteries. The authorities in each one worked with architects, decorators and builders to create structures which spoke to their visitors, and doubtless each specialist modified the design by their work. The height of these buildings made them landmarks by which travellers could navigate, impressive monuments and symbols of the connections with heaven. Their iconography is what made them function successfully, the design, wall paintings, stained glass, memorials, monuments, rituals and liturgies made them eloquent showpieces (Anderson 1971, Bottomley 1978, Reyntiens 1990).

4 The Grand Tour

The Grand Tour as practised from Britain started in the reign of Queen Elizabeth I as a way of training noblemen for court duties (Hibbert, 1969). The idea spread as general education for the nobility, and then became a mark of status for the wealthy. Young men were sent with tutors to guide, control and educate them by formal talks and reference to text books which publishers had prepared for the new market. Languages must be learnt ahead of the tour. Notebooks and writing materials were necessary for recording details of sightseeing and meetings. Learning Italian from the natives might be compulsory once in the country (Trease, 1967). Of course serious knowledge became social chit-chat on the return home, and used merely to obtain social status. Foreign words, cuisine, fashion, even servants, were brought back besides broader philosophical, political, and scientific ideas. John Locke decided the Tour was not about “building up men” but merely with “tricking out a fine set of gentlemen” (Hibbert, 1969 p234). Towner (1981) has shown how the educational ideals of the early days were dissipated in a scramble for entertainment during the 18th century. This is a little misleading: in the broader sense of education adopted in the present paper, even gaming, dancing, carousing and visits to brothels produced a new set of experiences, the more so being partaken within a different country. Vicarious education in ways decided by the young traveller, was replacing the didacticism of a paid tutor. In the 18th century the tourist took a similar line to those of today, when the pleasure and interest of travel depends on the customer being in control of what is done and experienced. If the Grand Tour was a kind of university course, by the 1700s it was much more like the university course as it is today.
In the course of the Grand Tour, teachers, leaders of society, church officials, writers and artists spoke about life in foreign places to impressionable young men. They did so through lectures, guide books, conversations, architecture, and books, plus the artefacts and paintings that were bought as souvenirs. The purposes were varied but the overall effect was undoubtedly to widen the horizons of those who went. Some predjudices might have been formed by ignorance and xenophobia, but at the very least the youngsters’ views were no longer limited to their own country. The relevance of the Lasswell/Braddock formula is clear.

5 Spas and Resorts

The motivations for tourism in UK spas and resorts was first for healthy bathing in spring-fed baths or the sea. Londoners were the main participants, but there were medicinal springs close by which would have sufficed, such as Barnet, Dulwich, Sadler’s Wells and Hampstead Wells. Travelling to places like Bath was expensive and therefore more exclusive and gave a change of scenery and society. Social encounter quickly became important rather than health. Hiring a house on the Royal Crescent in Bath for the season was certainly out of the reach of most people. Beau Nash took charge of the town’s social scene during the 18th century, imposing more appropriate behaviour on the rich, but in the eyes of ‘society’, often coarse visitors who were arriving (Gadd, 1971). Like Tunbridge Wells, Buxton, Harrogate, and the other towns, Bath built its Assembly Rooms as the social venue. It was Nash who set the fashion for socialising in public rather than private residences (Pimlott, 1947). The spa towns used Masters of Ceremonies like Beau Nash, appointed by the city fathers, to set the style of their visitor activities. These Masters of Ceremonies worked through regulation and debate, but spread their rules, reputation and image through print in the popular guide books which were being turned out by travel writers at that time. Assembly Rooms were show pieces, focal points for the town elders who controlled activities through the communications offered by meetings, handbills, and books of advice.

The inland spas set the style for the coastal spas. Scarborough, Margate, Weymouth and Brighton copied Bath and built their own Assembly Rooms and other social amenities (Walvin, 1978). So the seaside resorts started life as health centres, but grew as places of entertainment. During the 19th century pleasure boats and railway trains delivered more and more visitors. These were often on day visits, with less wealth and different ideas about what entertainment should be. The growth of the excursion business resulted in competition and new, mass markets. Satisfying these required new attractions. Blackpool invested in piers with dancing, concerts and boat rides; a Pleasure Beach with amusements, an aquarium, a winter gardens, a number of theatres and an opera house, later the Tower and Palace Ballroom (Turner and Palmer, 1976). Every other coastal resort had to follow suit as best as it could. Pearson (1991) has surveyed the spread of the new attractions and recorded cinemas, theatres, aquaria, pavilions, concert halls, ballrooms, winter gardens and a few more towers. Besides places for dancing, band concerts and fairground rides, there were exhibitions, menageries, aquaria, freak shows, theatres and, towards the end of the nineteenth century, cinemas. The common ground between all of these is that they presented to visitors events and displays about interesting aspects of the world which their customers would be unlikely ever to see for themselves. By then such attractions were also serving the tourist mode which largely began in the 19th century – the excursion.

6 Excursions

Carried by the coastal sail and steam ships of the 19th century, mass travel was spreading round the coasts from cities like London, Bristol and Glasgow (Pimlott, 1947). City dwellers could afford the time and expense of at least a day of enjoyment and exploration in nearby resorts like Rosherville and Margate from London, Dunoon and Rothesay from Glasgow, Weston-super-Mare and Clifton from Bristol. Inland, wagonettes and carts started to be used by groups organised from churches, chapels and work places for short excursions into the countryside (Delgado, 1977). As industrial cities grew with their pollution and crowding, so did the habit of escaping to the country for a while. In this was the origin of Thomas Cook as a philanthropist first and a tour operator next (Brendon, 1991) and of Frames, Henry Lunn, the Co-operative Holidays Association and a number of other organisations (Pimlott, 1947).
With the advent of railways it was possible to go further, faster, with more people. Delgado (1977) and Jordan and Jordan (1991) have described the enormous range of destinations, organisations and aims that they served. Pearson (1993) has chronicled examples of multiple rail excursions which took entire workforces of up to 11,000 people in one day from the Bass Brewery in Burton-upon-Trent on trips to the coast or to London. Jordan and Jordan pointed to excursions going the other way – taking members of the public to factories like Port Sunlight (soap), Fry’s in Keynsham (chocolates) and Swindon (locomotives). Visiting industry has a long pedigree, over at least a century.

It was the industrialisation of the 19th century that helped popularise the attractions that entertained and educated people. They could reach them by train and enjoy a fresh environment. Large, old houses like Chatsworth in Derbyshire opened their doors to church and workplace groups (Tinniswood, 1989). Museums, which like most other attractions appeared prior to the 19th century, became major public centres of education and, on occasion, entertainment (Hudson 1987). Complexes like Manchester’s Belle Vue and London’s Alexandra Palace hosted exhibitions, sports events and circuses, and celebrated great events like victories in wars with spectacular firework displays (Carrington, 1975). Like the great leisure parks at Coney Island, New York, from 1895 on (Denson, 1998) these parks contained each of the latest form of attraction and show, often with open air reconstructions of buildings from overseas, complete with native peoples living in them.
Industrial exhibitions had been held in 1761 and 1797 in first London, then Paris, to demonstrate processes and products (Allwood, 1977). The Great Exhibition of 1851 (Gibbs-Smith, 1981) was the real forerunner of many world expositions. It also helped establish Thomas Cook’s pre-eminence (Brendon, 1991) and led to a revolution in museums (Hudson, 1987) by inspiring the creation of the first full-scale folk museum by Artur Hazelius in Stockholm, at Skansen in 1891. It was also the 1851 event which showed how popular the exhibitions and presentations of the world’s wonders could be (Allwood, 1977). The Chicago Colombian Exposition of 1893 directly inspired developments at Coney Island (Kasson, 1978). The 1939 New York World’s Fair contributed directly to Disneyland, which also grew out of the fact that the new Disney studios in Burbank had become an industrial tourist attraction before World War II (Marling, 1997). Applying the Lasswell/Braddock formula, many people had been saying many things, about the wide world, through many channels to many other people.

7 Package holidays

Much of the ground of package holidays has already been covered above. Thomas Cook, like other philanthropic early operators, had wanted to improve peoples’ lives through religion, teetotalism, the development of fellowship, and education (Brendon 1991, Speake 1993). More recent operators have been more straight- forwardly commercial in a world where tourist travel and the scale and variety of attractions, has exploded. Eco-tourism, green tourism, educational travel and special interest travel are now all recognised segments of an industry in which content, message and the gaining of knowledge are primary functions. But as Figure 2 suggests, even sun, sand and sea holidays contain communication activities which fit the Lasswell/Braddock formula. Formal educational tourism itself has a long and variegated history even without the inclusion of the Grand Tour (Machin, 1997).

8 Showcases

This review of tourism history has suggested that each period and each form of tourism can be seen, in line with the Lasswell/Braddock formula, to be built around, indeed, to depend upon, the communication of messages. Each question of the formula can be answered for each tourism mode. Inherent in the communication processes of tourism is the attraction itself. Word of mouth, printed and electronic media promote the visit, but the experience of the visit depends on the attractions. These might have been deliberately created for tourists, or they might belong to the everyday fabric of life: the landscapes and townscapes which visitors can find enjoyable. This might be a single building or an open space, or it might be a more extended area.

In medieval Britain the dominant man-made feature of the landscape would have been either a church or larger religious building, or a castle. One symbolised religious power, the other secular power. Both were designed to exploit the symbolism to the full. Castles might be less accessible to people: it was the church or cathedral to which everyone related. While it might be misleading to use modern terminology for a medieval institution, it is important to acknowledge that churches and modern tourist attractions shared some features which operated at a level separated from both early religion and modern tourism. They were designed to communicate, Reference was made to earlier to how churches did so. Modern tourist attractions use a range of visitor interpretation like exhibitions, guide books, audiovisual equipment, interpretation panels, people working as tour guides, events and performances (for an enlargement of this point, see Machin, 2000). Travellers such as merchants, public officials and pilgrims journeyed around the country using church towers and steeples as landmarks. They would often visit churches to worship while on their journey. It would be anathema to many people to refer to medieval churches as a tourist attractions or heritage centres as that would be to use inappropriate, modern terminology; but they were fulfilling the same functions. It might be better, in order to acknowledge the point, to refer to them as showcases of religious beliefs and practices. The castle would share similar functions as a showcase of secular, feudally-structured power, communicating its might through its architecture and what decoration it might have, including the banners and devices of heraldry.

Every age had its showcases. Architectural examples would also embrace the larger medieval inns, the Georgian terraces of Bath and the town halls and railway stations of the Victorians. Theatres were showcases and their performances showcase events. Indeed, there is a direct line of cultural development which starts in church liturgy, is joined by a strand which comes from staging inns with courtyards, another from market-place entertainments like fairs, and a third from the hall of the manor house, which by the Tudor period produces the theatre of Shakespeare (Leacroft, 1988). A different line runs from church memorials, painting and stained glass, through private-house ‘cabinets of curiosities’ and picture galleries, takes in public art galleries and museums, and then industrial, trade and international exhibitions, to divide the: one branch into folk museums and all the other varieties of museum (Hudson, 1987); the other is joined by a line from fairs and pleasure gardens which then heads towards the great kursaals and amusement parks of the coastal resorts before producing the modern theme park (Weightman 1992, Pearson 1991) – with help from international exhibitions.
It is possible, of course, to show that the connections which were at work were more complex than those just described. The point is that all those creations were showcases by which someone communicated messages to visitors, using various media, and in differing circumstances, to entertain, inform, cajole, and persuade – and with all kinds of results. Every age had its travellers for business and pleasure, and every age needed its own showcases to serve them.

9 Conclusion

Tourism’s origins were either primarily connected with education or at least had indirect connections. Present day discussion tends to undervalue the influence that tourism has in helping people to discover their world. There are many communications processes at work within tourism, some clearly obvious but others less well acknowledged. They give it the power to act as an important channel of information alongside one-to-one contacts, the mass media, and formal education. Tourism can supply what the mass media and education cannot, namely the ability of a person to see the world for themselves.

Theories drawn from general communication studies can aid the understanding of tourism as a channel of knowledge. The suggestion introduced in this paper is that throughout history people have created showcases of their beliefs, values and cultural productions, and that these have formed a central focus for tourists. The study of them in relation to the communication processes concerned can be of great value.

Bibliography
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Voir de plus

Son dernier ouvrage en date, sorti il y a deux mois, Bad Lands, est le guide touristique des pays de l’«axe du Mal» (Irak, Birmanie, Corée du Nord).

Les guides touristiques se vendent comme des petits pains. Le leader mondial, Lonely Planet, est australien, et fête ses 35 ans.

Lonely Planet règne sur le monde des guides
De notre envoyé spécial à Melbourne, Jean-François Arnaud.
Le Figaro
le 13 juillet 2007

Au siège mondial de Lonely Planet, situé dans le quartier des docks de Melbourne, l’ambiance est studieuse, loin de l’esprit hippie des débuts du guide, en 1973. Les auteurs, qui sont tous des journalistes indépendants, ne font que passer, comme Tony et Maureen Wheeler, les fondateurs. En revanche, avec 500 livres publiés dans une demi-douzaine de langues, réactualisés tous les deux ans en moyenne, et avec une marque devenue mondiale, les comptables, les documentalistes, les iconographes et les experts en marketing règnent en maîtres.

Dans cet ancien entrepôt aménagé comme un grand loft, c’est l’uniforme jean-baskets pour tout le monde. À l’espace détente, la productrice de l’émission de TV Lonely Planet diffusée sur le câble dans le monde discute avec son présentateur. Au service Internet, les six salariés multilingues sélectionnent les meilleurs courriers électroniques qui seront diffusés sur le site Web en sept langues. Quant au patron, ne cherchez pas Tony Wheeler dans son bureau. Il est plus souvent dans le hall d’un aéroport. «J’ai du mal à rester au même endroit plus d’une semaine, explique-t-il au Figaro lors d’un séjour à Paris, soit parce que je suis en train d’écrire un livre, soit parce que je voyage pour le plaisir, en prenant le temps de tester les informations de guides déjà parus.» Son dernier ouvrage en date, sorti il y a deux mois, Bad Lands, est le guide touristique des pays de l’«axe du Mal» (Irak, Birmanie, Corée du Nord).

Contrairement à certains de ses concurrents, le fondateur de Lonely Planet n’a pas de pays amis ou ennemis. «Il n’y a pas de bonnes et de mauvaises destinations. J’ai des amis au Tibet, je veux continuer à aller les voir et à les aider.» De fait, il rêve d’un monde où chacun pourrait voyager absolument partout.

Pour ce responsable d’une PME de 500 salariés (plus 300 auteurs en activité) tout a commencé en 1972, date de son premier voyage. «Nous étions des étudiants anglais Maureen et moi et nous avons voulu faire un grand voyage en Asie après notre mariage. Nous avons poussé jusqu’en Australie et décidé d’en faire notre nouvelle base», se souvient-il.

L’année suivante, le duo publie le carnet de voyage de ses pérégrinations asiatiques._Across Asia on the Cheap_(«À travers l’Asie sans un sou») est ronéotypé et agrafé artisanalement à 1.500 exemplaires, qui se vendent comme des petits pains. Forts de ce succès, les deux tourtereaux se muent définitivement en pigeons voyageurs papivores et publient l’année suivante un guide sur le Sud-Est asiatique.

Imprégné de la culture hippie

Les touristes anglo-saxons en sac à dos en font leur bible. Beaucoup d’entre eux envoient aux Weelher leurs commentaires et précisions, d’autres proposent leurs services. Ainsi naît la tribu Lonely Planet, dont le nom est tiré d’une chanson de Joe Cocker. Tony et Maureen, qui baignent alors dans la culture hippie, sont jaloux de leur indépendance. Aujourd’hui encore, leur philosophie reste la même. «Nos auteurs visitent les hôtels incognito. Nos guides ne contiennent pas de publicité. Et nous restons une entreprise indépendante des grands groupes d’édition», souligne Judy Slatyer, l’actuelle directrice générale.

La société, dont le capital est resté entre les mains de ses fondateurs, ne veut pas donner le montant de son chiffre d’affaires mais Judy Slatyer reconnaît que l’activité a connu un passage à vide juste après le 11 septembre 2001. Aujourd’hui, Lonely Planet cultive son esprit tribu pour tenter de s’imposer sur Internet. Son site héberge des chats, des forums et de la vidéo pour que chacun, y compris les voyageurs les plus jeunes, nés dans les années 1980, se reconnaisse comme habitant de la planète Lonely Planet.

Voir encore:

‘Speak softly, don’t argue and slow down’
Philip Sherwell
The Telegraph
16/04/2006

Loud and brash, in gawdy garb and baseball caps, more than three million of them flock to our shores every year. Shuffling between tourist sites or preparing to negotiate a business deal, they bemoan the failings of the world outside the United States.

The reputation of the « Ugly American » abroad is not, however, just some cruel stereotype, but – according to the American government itself – worryingly accurate. Now, the State Department in Washington has joined forces with American industry to plan an image make-over by issuing guides for Americans travelling overseas on how to behave.

‘Ugly American’ abroad: Worryingly accurate

Under a programme starting next month, several leading US companies will give employees heading abroad a « World Citizens Guide » featuring 16 etiquette tips on how they can help improve America’s battered international image.

Business for Diplomatic Action (BDA), a non-profit group funded by big American companies, has also met Karen Hughes, the head of public diplomacy at the State Department, to discuss issuing the guide with every new US passport. The goal is to create an army of civilian ambassadors.

The guide offers a series of « simple suggestions » under the slogan, « Help your country while you travel for your company ». The advice targets a series of common American traits and includes:

• Think as big as you like but talk and act smaller. (In many countries, any form of boasting is considered very rude. Talking about wealth, power or status – corporate or personal – can create resentment.)

• Listen at least as much as you talk. (By all means, talk about America and your life in our country. But also ask people you’re visiting about themselves and their way of life.)

• Save the lectures for your kids. (Whatever your subject of discussion, let it be a discussion not a lecture. Justified or not, the US is seen as imposing its will on the world.)

• Think a little locally. (Try to find a few topics that are important in the local popular culture. Remember, most people in the world have little or no interest in the World Series or the Super Bowl. What we call « soccer » is football everywhere else. And it’s the most popular sport on the planet.)

• Slow down. (We talk fast, eat fast, move fast, live fast. Many cultures do not.)

• Speak lower and slower. (A loud voice is often perceived as bragging. A fast talker can be seen as aggressive and threatening.)

• Your religion is your religion and not necessarily theirs. (Religion is usually considered deeply personal, not a subject for public discussions.)

• If you talk politics, talk – don’t argue. (Steer clear of arguments about American politics, even if someone is attacking US politicians or policies. Agree to disagree.)

Keith Reinhard, one of New York’s top advertising executives, who heads BDA, said: « Surveys consistently show that Americans are viewed as arrogant, insensitive, over-materialistic and ignorant about local values. That, in short, is the image of the Ugly American abroad and we want to change it. »

The guide also offers tips on the dangers of dressing too casually, the pluses of learning a few words of the local language, use of hand gestures and even map-reading.

Of course, US foreign policy – and perceptions of it – currently has the biggest impact on the image of Americans abroad. President George W Bush recognised this when he appointed Ms Hughes, a close confidante, to head the country’s public diplomacy push. But Mr Reinhard and his colleagues are convinced that individual Americans can also make a difference.

They also want to highlight the positives in foreigners’ impression of the US as a land of opportunity, freedom, diversity and « can-do spirit » by boosting business and domestic travel to America.

« In many parts of the world, America is not getting the benefit of the doubt right now. People prefer to dump on us instead. But for many people, corporate America is their main point of contact, and that’s where we come in. »

Business for Diplomatic Action, which was formed in 2004, has already distributed 200,000 -passport-sized guides tailored to college students going abroad.

The group’s next target is to raise funding for a colourful pictorial World Citizen’s Guide For Kids for children on school or youth group trips. However, a spokesman for the National Tourism Agency for Britain said last night: « Americans have a certain reputation which, for the majority, is undeserved. These guidelines sound like good common sense but they’re not something the majority of our American visitors need. As tourists, they’re out to enjoy themselves and have a good time. We continue to welcome them. »

Voir enfin

‘ If It’s Tuesday, This Must Be Belgium’ Opens

Vincent Canby

The NYT

April 25, 1969

« IF IT’S TUESDAY, This Must Be Belgium » may be the first cartoon caption ever made into a feature-length movie. If I remember correctly, that was the legend that appeared some years ago under a New Yorker Magazine cartoon showing two harried American travelers, in the middle of a relentlessly picturesque village, consulting their tour schedule.

It was a nice cartoon, made timely by the great wave of tourism that swept Europe in the 1950’s. Subsequently, I’m told, there was a television documentary that explored more or less this same phenomenon—the boom in pre-paid (two in a room), packaged culture junkets.

Now, some years after the subject seemed really fresh, a movie has been made about one such 18-day, 9-country excursion.

Even if you don’t accept the fact that just about everything that could be said about American tourism was said earlier by Mark Twain, Henry James or even Woody Allen, « If It’s Tuesday, This Must Be Belgium » is a pretty dim movie experience, like a stopover in an airport where the only reading matter is yesterday’s newspapers.

The caricatures of familiar stereotypes, however, are acted with an enthusiasm by an attractive cast, including Suzanne Pleshette, Mildred Natwick, Peggy Cass, Murray Hamilton, Sandy Baron and Marty Ingels. A young English actor, Ian McShane, is particularly good as the indefatigable tour guide, and Reva Rose, who played the irritable Lucy in Off Broadway’s « You’re A Good Man, Charlie Brown, » is appealing as a totally humorless girl who gets lost early in the trip and winds up touring with a group of Japanese.

The movie has been written (by David Shaw) and directed (by Mel Stuart) in conventional television sketch style, which means that it depends more on our familiarity with standard tourism humor than on any especially original ideas. The film does possess a decent visual quality, having been photographed in soft, pastel colors in both rain and brilliant sunlight in London and on the continental locations (Amsterdam, Brussels, the Alps, Rome and Venice) visited by the bus-touring junketeers.

« If It’s Tuesday, This Must Be Belgium » opened yesterday at Radio City Music Hall, which may be just about the perfect environment for a movie about tired tourists for tired tourists.

4 commentaires pour Société: Les paradoxes du tourisme (Keeping up with the Joneses: from the Grand Tour to tourism)

  1. […] comme pour justement les destinations touristiques, l’on découvre non seulement nos habituels goûts de classe mais aussi une véritable […]

    J'aime

  2. jcdurbant dit :

    On a coutume de dire que la France est la première destination touristique du monde. C’est exact au regard de l’indicateur retenu par l’organisation mondiale du tourisme : avec 82 millions d’arrivées de touristes étrangers, la France détient le record. Par contre, pour les recettes – l’autre indicateur retenu par l’Organisation mondiale du tourisme – la France ne vient qu’en troisième position mondiale derrière les États-Unis et l’Espagne. Ce décalage entre les deux classements veut-il dire que le tourisme en France serait moins efficace que chez nos concurrents ? En fait, chacun des deux indicateurs retenus présente des limites.

    Le premier indicateur – le nombre d’entrées de touristes étrangers – comptabilise, pour un pays comme la France (compte tenu de sa taille et de sa situation géographique) un certain nombre de courts séjours qui ne sont souvent que de simples transits comportant une nuit passée en France. La décomposition de ce nombre d’arrivées par motif du séjour montre que sur 82 millions d’arrivées de touristes étrangers, 14 millions de touristes transitent par la France. Certes, ils y passent au moins une nuit, mais ce séjour ne constitue qu’une étape vers une autre destination. Ainsi, ce sont seulement 68 millions de séjours qui ont la France comme destination principale. Le nombre d’entrées touristiques en Espagne est plus faible (60 millions) mais, s’agissant d’une péninsule, les touristes qui y viennent ne se contentent pas de traverser le pays, ils y séjournent plus longtemps.

    Le deuxième indicateur – les recettes générées par les touristes étrangers – ne peut pas valablement être utilisé pour des comparaisons entre « États » de taille aussi différente que les États-Unis et la France. Un Belge sera « touriste étranger » en France tandis qu’un New-Yorkais ne sera pas étranger en Californie. La comparaison entre la France et l’Espagne reste par contre pertinente : elle permet de constater année après année les meilleures performances de nos voisins ibériques en matière de recettes touristiques : les touristes étrangers y séjournent en moyenne deux semaines contre seulement une semaine dans l’hexagone. C’est en 1999 que l’Espagne a devancé la France en matière de recettes touristiques internationales ; ce classement ne s’est jamais démenti depuis.

    si 82 millions de touristes non résidents sont venus dans notre pays qui compte environ 65 millions d’habitants, ces touristes ne
    séjournent pas tous ensemble en France. La pointe journalière, atteinte en été, est d’un peu moins de 4 millions de touristes étrangers en France métropolitaine. Dans le même temps, environ 1 million de Français sont en voyage à l’étranger : la surpopulation induite par le tourisme sur notre territoire n’excède donc jamais 3 millions de personnes.

    Parmi les 82 millions d’arrivées de touristes enregistrées en 2007, 46 % donnent lieu à un court séjour de 1 à 3 nuits et 54 % à un séjour plus long, d’au moins 4 nuits. Hormis les 14 millions de touristes en transit pour au moins une nuit (soit 17 % des arrivées), 68 millions de touristes non résidents séjournent en France plus d’une nuit essentiellement pour motif personnel (72 % des arrivées), et plus rarement pour motif professionnel (11 %) …

    http://www.insee.fr/fr/ffc/docs_ffc/ref/fratour08d.PDF

    J'aime

  3. I’ve learn several excellent stuff here. Definitely
    price bookmarking for revisiting. I wonder how much effort
    you place to create this type of fantastic informative site.

    J'aime

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